Lance Armstrong

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Livestrong is about hope. And as anyone who has ever been

given that terrible diagnosis knows, people who have cancer

need to have hope. Desperately. For me, the yellow band

symbolized it in ways I couldn’t quite fathom, but the

attraction was instant. It connected me to the more than one

million Americans who would get cancer that year, and every

year since. Livestrong was relatively new at the time, and

the yellow band—along with the pink ribbon of Susan G. Komen

for the Cure— was just generating momentum.

(MORE: Lance Armstrong Had Little Choice But To Dope)

The world of cancer and cancer research absolutely needed a

kick in the ass and Lance give it one. He became cancer

policy’s domestique, pulling it up the mountains of

indifference that had made cancer somewhat invisible to

policymakers, refusing to accept that enough was being done

to cure, or at least curtail, a disease that will kill

477,000 Americans this year. He applied the same competitive

fervor he did on the Tour—yes, the kind that got him into

trouble—to badger everyone from the Presidents to

philanthropists to spend more money for cancer research.

Livestrong organized fundraising drives that assembled

thousands of people for bike rides, runs and walks—

survivors, patients, and relatives of cancer victims— that

were both moving and motivating. And Livestrong became a

center of information and support. More recently, Livestrong

opened a navigation center in Austin that helps guide people

through the cancer bureaucracy, and the tough choices that

they must make. It’s a model being replicated across the

country. (Livestrong has its critics, too, as well itshould.

So does the American Cancer Society. We need to hold all

charities to the highest standards.)

as well as Congress general secretary Rahul

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JALANDHAR: Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) chief and former
Haryana CM Om Parkash Chautala on Wednesday alleged that
Robert Vadra as well as Congress general secretary Rahul
Gandhi bought land in Haryana at prices much below market
rates and evaded stamp duty by undervaluing the sales.
Demanding a judicial probe, Chautala alleged the state
government was hand-in-glove with Gandhi and Vadra and helped
them seal land deals. Chautala alleged Vadra purchased a
total 74 acres for around Rs 1.64 crore in eight land deals,
Rahul bought 6.5 acres — all in Palwal district — in 2008
and 2009.
Producing what he claimed were copies of sale deeds in favour
of Rahul Gandhi and Vadra at a press conference, Chautala
alleged Rahul purchased 51 kanal 13 marla (around 6.5 acres)
land at Mauja Hassanpur village in Palwal from one HL Pahwa,
a resident of DLF Gurgaon, on March 3, 2008 for Rs 26.47 lakh
and on the sale deed collector rate was mentioned as Rs 1.5
lakh per acre.
Congress debunked the charges made by Chautala as baseless
and defamatory. A party statement said Rahul purchased 6456
acres in Palwal for Rs 26.47 lakh in 2008. It said the
prevailing collector rate for land was Rs 1.50 lakh per acre
and Rahul had paid Rs 4,10,006 per acre. He paid 6% stamp
duty amounting to Rs 1,58,820.

with footage of McCain as a POW

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With Weaver and his loyalists largely gone, the inner circle that Davis assembled worked in relative harmony. Even Salter, who's close to Weaver and sided with him in intramural battles, put aside any ill will he felt toward Davis. ("Salter is probably the greatest human being of all of them," says one McCain associate. "He's only interested in McCain.") And the new inner circle did more than just get along. Although it lacked such essentials as a pollster, it plotted a course to the nomination. McKinnon turned out memorable ads, including a video--with footage of McCain as a POW--that stirred audiences before rallies. Schmidt came up with the idea to dub McCain's first major swing after his mid-summer implosion the "No Surrender Tour"--an allusion to his own refusal to quit the race as much his desire to remain in Iraq. And Black brought a mature and polished presence to a political operation that, under Weaver, tended to be more emotional than cerebral. "He's totally unflappable ... and he's an incredibly calming influence," says one adviser.
Presiding over it all was Davis who, even some critics concede, accomplished the improbable. "Rick kept an operation together under some pretty challenging circumstances," says one McCain associate allied with Weaver, "and made sure McCain had enough resources to do what he had to do."


But, as the McCain campaign turns toward the general election and begins the necessary expansion and adjustments, the rivalries have begun resurfacing. Some McCainiacs simply can't bring themselves to credit Davis for McCain's comeback, attributing it to the candidate himself. "He took the campaign on his back, both literally and figuratively," says Weaver. "I think it was more grit than strategic thinking that got him the nomination."